Ethnic Relations in Fiji: threats and Opportunities

From left: USP Journalism Coordinator Dr Shailendra Singh, Dialogue Fiji chairman Nemani Buresova and executive director Nilesh Lal. Picture: Dialogue Fiji

The University of the South Pacific Journalism Programme Coordinator Dr Shailendra Singh shares insights from the recently-launched book on ethnic relations.

This is an extremely important book, and its title—Ethic Relations in Fiji: threats and Opportunities—indicates why.

The chapters in the book book emanate from the proceedings of the 2017 Dialogue on Ethnic Relations at Pacific Harbour.

They address what is perhaps the most crucial and costly issue facing Fiji—ethnic relations, or rather, ethnic tensions, suspicions, and even hostility, if we are to be honest.

The list of authors who contributed to the book underscores its significance:

The then Acting Prime Minister, Mr Jone Usumate; Activist, Jone Dakuvula; Human rights activist and writer, Seona Smiles; Former government ministers, Krishna Datt and Ganesh Chand; USP academic, Dr Natasha Khan; Reverend Iliesa Naivalu of the Methodist Church of Fiji; Former Electoral Commissioner, Alisi Daurewa; The President of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad in Fiji, Jai Dayal, and; feminist activist, Roshika Deo.

As you can see, these are knowledgeable people with a range of experiences. You put them in a room together, and you get fantastic outcomes from the interactions.

Initially, my co-editor Mr Nilesh Lal, the director of Dialogue Fiji, and I, had vague notions about a publication from the Pacific Harbour Dialogue.

After hearing the presentations, our minds were made up: we had to capture them all in print so that the ideas and experiences are not lost to us, and to ensure that they are read more widely.

Not only did the presenters share their experiences from the field, they also spoke from the heart, which was very powerful. These presenters are strongly rooted to the grassroots, possibly because some of them come from humble backgrounds.

This is what made their stories so compelling — it emerged from their personal experiences, not just professional practices. There was a strong mention of the poor and forgotten, which is fitting: the poor are, after all, the most vulnerable when it comes to coups or political instability.

For them it’s a double blow:  first, they are the hardest hit financially, being poor to begin with. Second, they don’t live in gated compounds or secure homes, so they are the most exposed to any form of physical violence, and bear the brunt of it.

What Fiji’s poor, and indeed the country as a whole need, and crave, is stability, security and continuity, which denote growth, progress, and freedom from poverty.

Among other things, this means that our electoral systems must be sound, and that electoral outcomes should be respected. In other words, an end to Fiji’s debilitating coup culture, which contributes to both mental and material poverty. This is reflected in the book.

In his chapter on the government’s perspectives on ethnic relations, Usumate states that we must address poverty. This makes sense: once we prioritise the poor, the whole nation will progress.

The benefits of charity are echoed in Mr Dayal’s article on the Hindu dharma. Charity, including government welfare programmes, should be based on need, not ethnicity. 

In reality though, national budgets often privilege the business elite, based on the cock-eyed dogma of trickle-down economics: not just in Fiji, but in many other countries that worship at the alter of neoliberalism.

The dialogue on ethnic relations is a reminder that the lack of social cohesion that is Fiji’s Achilles heel needs to be addressed in a multi-pronged manner. Poverty eradication should be at the heart of it.  As Usumate says, ethnic divisions are the plague of Fijian society, and hinder national development.

I commend the visionary leadership of Dialogue Fiji director Nilesh Lal and his team for recognising the root cause of a perennial national problem, and organising two important workshops to address it.

Multiracialism sounds good in theory, but it’s incredibly complicated in reality. It requires constant effort to preserve the peace and make things work. This is the common thread in the book.

Multiracialism is work in progress—perpetually.  Multiracialism can never be taken for granted, partly because we humans are a quarrelsome lot.  

We cannot leave it entirely to the politicians either— sometimes politicians create more problems than they solve.

Indeed, the destructive role of political elites in the creation of xenophobia around the world, and its consequences, is highlighted in Jone Dakuvula’s article on a Common National Identity.

Civil society organisations are an important buffer against such trends, and Nilesh Lal’s chapter stresses their crucial role in social change and positive reforms. While praising Government’s multiracial vision, Lal questions the efficacy of a top-down approach.

We appreciate the mandate of democratic governments, and at times they have to take the lead and make the tough and unpalatable decisions to address entrenched national problems. Our Government has its work cut out given our complicated context, and it has taken some decisive steps to move us forward.

Dr Natasha Khan’s article praises concepts like a common national identity, while pointing out that the citizens must have a sense of ownership of such ideas, if these ideas are to take hold and endure.

Otherwise, any reforms are merely symbolic, even shambolic. In Fiji, there is over-emphasis on our differences. Seona Smiles’ poignant contribution reminds us how very much alike we all are beneath the skin.

Race doesn’t exist. Racism does, states Reverend Iliesa Naivalu in his chapter.

Roshika Deo dreams about a society in which we fully accept each other, not just tolerate each other. Deo is not just dreaming it, but working on it, through her Be the Change Movement.

One revelation in Deo’s piece is the reservoir of untapped goodwill in Fiji at the grassroots level, which is encouraging and gives hope.

Unlikely as it may seem, comprises are possible even at the political level, if the political will is there.

Krishna Datt provides insights into the reconciliation between former enemies that produced the 1997 Constitution from the ruins of the 1987 coup.

As we know, the 1987 coup leader and former Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka, and the former National Federation Party leader, Jai Ram Reddy, buried the hatchet to spearhead the formation of the 1997 Constitution. Voters sacrificed them both on the political alter for their troubles.

Recently, Rabuka said losing the prime ministership was worth The 1997 Constitution.

This book is a reservoir of experience and knowledge of people working on and contributing to social cohesion in one way or another.

It is a must read for every member of Parliament and for every member of the public.

This column is based on the remarks by Dr Shailendra Singh at the launch of the book entitled, Ethnic Relations in Fiji: threats and opportunities, at the University of the South Pacific Laucala Campus, Suva, Fiji, on November 8. The views in the column are not necessarily shared by Dr Singh’s employer, The University of the South Pacific.